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| Peter Beinart speaking at Temple De Hirsch Sinai, Seattle, Washington |
BESA Center Perspectives Paper No. 1,445..
10 February '20..
Link: https://besacenter.org/perspectives-papers/jewish-statehood-american-jews/
In his address to the Zionist Congress in London on August 2, 1900, Theodor Herzl said:
Zionism demands a publicly recognized and legally secured home in Palestine for the Jewish people. This platform, which we drew up three years ago, is unchangeable. It must have responded to a very deep necessity, a very old longing of our people, otherwise its effects would be inexplicable. There is no need of my enumerating these effects at the present day. Everyone knows them, everyone sees and hears them. Four years ago in speaking of a Jewish nation one ran the risk of being thought ridiculous. Today he makes himself ridiculous who denies the existence of a Jewish nation. A glance at this hall, where our people is represented by delegates from all over the world, suffices to prove this.
The Zionist enterprise has evolved over the past 120 years but has always been predicated on the reestablishment of Jewish statehood in the ancestral homeland. The collective memory of Jewish statelessness and powerless was vivid during the early decades of the Jewish State. Left, right or center, the founding fathers of Zionism were all motivated by the imperative of Jewish statehood as both a manifestation of the Jewish People’s right to national self-determination and a means of lessening Jewish vulnerability and increasing the likelihood of Jewish survival.
This foundational axiom was also widely understood by American Jews, particularly in the aftermath of the Holocaust. Statehood was seen as the necessary extension of the shared sense of Jewish nationhood that had existed for millennia, a sense of unity and even destiny that went beyond culture or even religion.
Today, however, among an increasing number of American Jews, the idea of a Jewish state is no longer a building block but rather a wedge issue.
The very idea of nations and nation states may be suspect in the 21st century, but no other national movement evokes so uniquely visceral a reaction as does Zionism. No other term for a national movement has been infamously defined by the UN as “a form of racism and racial discrimination”—an epithet assigned to it by a bigoted coalition led by the Soviet Union. And no other definition has caused so much anxiety among a movement’s putative supporters and rendered them so unwilling to stand up for their cause. Too many American Jewish supporters of Israel live in fear of being declared racist by enemies of Zionism, or by those who purport to be so “enlightened” that they can see through the façade of Israeli democracy.
Those individuals take it upon themselves to distinguish between the “good” and the “bad” parts of Israel and avail themselves freely of the all-purpose evil of the “occupation.” Today’s left and progressive circles use the 1967 “Green Line” as a red herring in their representation of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in the American Jewish community. Journalist Peter Beinart, one of the driving forces behind this trend, claims “the American Jewish establishment and the Zionist establishment [render themselves] morally corrupt by defending the indefensible, for defending an occupation that holds millions of people occupied”.







