Showing posts with label The Nakba Obsession. Show all posts
Showing posts with label The Nakba Obsession. Show all posts

Saturday, April 14, 2018

On Revenging Past Injuries: Holocaust Day in Israel, Naqba Day in Palestine - by Richard Landes

...Those who feel deeply moved by the first video, may be unhappy with my invidious comparison with Israel’s neighbors. Why contaminate such a beautiful sentiment with unpleasant and demeaning comments about the Palestinians. Please excuse me, but given the immense popularity of the anti-Zionist narrative, I think it important to spell out for people what they don’t seem to be able to do for themselves.

Richard Landes..
Augean Stables..
12 April '18..

There seem to be two readings of Israel’s place in the 21st Century.

On the one hand, there’s a view, not so popular, even among Jews, that Israel is a light unto the nations, an inspiration to peoples and nations everywhere, about how to surmount the most terrible odds and come out the other side with your humanity not only intact, but thriving. As Edward Alexander put it:

the creation of the State of Israel was one of the few redeeming events in a century of blood and shame, one of the greatest affirmations of the will to live ever made by a martyred people, and a uniquely hopeful sign for humanity itself.

For those who wish to taste of this latter Israel, she who rises from the depths, who bears no malice, for whom the best revenge is to move on with life, enjoy this song with which Israelis mark their remembrance of the Holocaust.



(Continue to Full Post)

Updates throughout the day at http://calevbenyefuneh.blogspot.com. If you enjoy "Love of the Land", please be a subscriber. Just put your email address in the "Subscribe" box on the upper right-hand corner of the page.Twitter updates at LoveoftheLand as well as our Love of the Land page at Facebook which has additional pieces of interest besides that which is posted on the blog. Also check-out This Ongoing War by Frimet and Arnold Roth. An excellent blog, very important work. 
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Tuesday, November 14, 2017

(Video) Nakba Nonsense at Bar-Ilan University

...Evidently, it is permissible to falsely accuse Israel of committing a genocide against the Palestinian Arabs but it is not okay to refute these outrageous lies.

Im Tirtzu..
14 November '17..
Link: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Jb3BO5AAAEI


Bar-Ilan University has decided that refuting the lies of the "Nakba" is too provocative, and prohibited Im Tirtzu student activists from distributing its "Nakba Nonsense" booklet.



Evidently, it is permissible to falsely accuse Israel of committing a genocide against the Palestinian Arabs but it is not okay to refute these outrageous lies.

Despite this hypocritical decision, however, Im Tirtzu continued to distribute numerous of copies of the booklet and will not stop spreading the truth about the deceitful Nakba narrative.

See more about the lies of the Nakba here: https://imti.org.il/NakbaNonsense

Updates throughout the day at http://calevbenyefuneh.blogspot.com. If you enjoy "Love of the Land", please be a subscriber. Just put your email address in the "Subscribe" box on the upper right-hand corner of the page.Twitter updates at LoveoftheLand as well as our Love of the Land page at Facebook which has additional pieces of interest besides that which is posted on the blog. Also check-out This Ongoing War by Frimet and Arnold Roth. An excellent blog, very important work. 
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Sunday, April 28, 2013

The implicit rejection of the Palestinian narrative of catastrophe

Michael Curtis..
American Thinker..
28 April '13..

The release by the British National Archives in London in April 2013 of the records, previously secret files, of the British Mandate Administration in Palestine are revealing and invaluable for an understanding of contemporary attitudes towards Israel. The files dispose in what should be a final and definitive fashion of the concept, the simple and histrionic one, asserted by the Palestinian Narrative of a Nakba, or catastrophe, resulting from the establishment of Israel. The true Nakba, it should now be clear, comes from the refusal of Arab states and Palestinians to accept the United Nations General Assembly Partition Resolution 181 of November 29, 1947 and thus a peaceful settlement of the conflict with Israel. The documents reveal that unlike the Jewish response to the Resolution, that of the Arabs was "a mood of bitterness and universal suspicion."

Not surprisingly, the documents show the British lack of sympathy, overt distaste, and even hostility for the Jewish Yishuv in Palestine, and they comment on the increase in Jewish settlement on the land. The British administrators stated that the Jews were willing to go "to any lengths to achieve their aims." Though they refer to atrocities on both sides, they more frequently mention Jewish terrorist groups that were attacking both British forces and Arab fighters in the weeks before Israel was established. One report of October 1947 mentions an interview by Menachem Begin, then head of Irgun, that "the fight against the British invader would continue until the last one left Palestine."

Another report presents the Arab version of the killings, by a Jewish militia attempting to end the blockade of Jerusalem by Arab forces, that occurred on April 9, 1948 in the Palestinian village of Deir Yassin, the details of which are still disputed (though Palestinians and Arabs have continually used it for propaganda effect). It also explains, if not defends, the massacre on April 13, 1948 by Arabs of 79 Jewish doctors and nurses in the convoy bringing supplies to the Hadassah Hospital on Mount Scopus as a response to Deir Yassin. An extremely hostile view of Jews was expressed by Sir Alan Cunningham, High Commissioner of Palestine, who wrote on April 30, 1948 that the Jewish broadcasts about their military activity "both in content and in manner of delivery, are remarkably like those of Nazi Germany."

The documents also argue that the Jewish public endorsed the view of their leaders that "terrorism is a natural consequence of the general policy of His Majesty's Government." Most important in this was the British refusal to allow Jews, especially those coming out of Nazi concentration camps, to enter Palestine, and the British hostility to "illegal" immigrants.

What is most important in these documents is the implicit rejection of the Palestinian narrative of catastrophe that has been embraced by so many groups and individuals. This is the validation by the British, themselves, so unsympathetic to the Jewish community, that the Arab attacks on Jews took place before the State of Israel was established on May 14, 1948. The documents record that in early 1948, the Arabs "had suffered a series of overwhelming defeats." The consequence was that the Jewish military victories "have reduced Arab morale to zero and, following the cowardly example of their inept leaders, they are fleeing from the mixed areas in their thousands. It is now obvious that the only hope of regaining their position lies in the regular armies of the Arab states."

Thursday, August 26, 2010

Refugees are the heart of the Middle East problem


Bataween
Point of No Return
25 August '10

The announcement that direct talks are set to resume next week between Israel and the Palestinian Authority has set off a volley of the usual articles in the world's press, branding the settlements and Israeli intransigence as the main obstacles to peace.

Sol Stern, a fellow at the Manhattan Institute think tank, is one of the few to warn that the talks are doomed before they start. Hard on the heels of his acclaimed piece, the Nakba obsession, he nails the real issue for the benefit of Jerusalem Post readers: the talks are doomed to flounder on the Palestinian 'right of return' - the demand to flood Israel proper with the millions of descendants of Palestinian refugees who left their homes in 1948.


The very notion of Palestinian refugees is “a great hoax” as far as he is concerned.

“Why are there refugees 62 years after the creation of the State of Israel,” he asks. “If a baby is born today in the Balata refugee camp that baby is called a refugee. The very notion is absurd.

“There can’t be peace until some Palestinian leader is willing to go to the camps and say, in effect, ‘We’ve lied to you for 60 years and you’re not going back.’”

But Stern sees no Palestinian leader willing to take that step, certainly not PA President Mahmoud Abbas, who he says scuttled the last round of direct talks in 2008 with then prime minister Ehud Olmert despite receiving an offer that would have given him 98 percent of the West Bank.


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Friday, July 30, 2010

The Nakba Obsession


Sol Stern
City Journal
Vol. 20 No. 3
Summer '10

A specter is haunting the prospective Israeli-Palestinian peace negotiations—the specter of the Nakba. The literal meaning of the Arabic word is “disaster”; but in its current, expansive usage, it connotes a historical catastrophe inflicted on an innocent and blameless people (in this case, the Palestinians) by an overpowering outside force (international Zionism). The Nakba is the heart of the Palestinians’ backward-looking national narrative, which depicts the creation of the State of Israel in 1948 as the original sin that dispossessed the land’s native people. Every year, on the anniversary of Israel’s independence, more and more Palestinians (including Arab citizens of Israel) commemorate the Nakba with pageants that express longing for a lost paradise. Every year, the legend grows of the crimes committed against the Palestinians in 1948, crimes now routinely equated with the Holocaust. Echoing the Nakba narrative is an international coalition of leftists that celebrates the Palestinians as the quintessential Other, the last victims of Western racism and colonialism.

There is only one just compensation for the long history of suffering, say the Palestinians and their allies: turning the clock back to 1948. This would entail ending the “Zionist hegemony” and replacing it with a single, secular, democratic state shared by Arabs and Jews. All Palestinian refugees—not just those still alive of the hundreds of thousands who fled in 1948, but their millions of descendants as well—would be allowed to return to Jaffa, Haifa, the Galilee, and all the villages that Palestinian Arabs once occupied.

Such a step would mean suicide for Israel as a Jewish state, which is why Israel would never countenance it. At the very least, then, the Nakba narrative precludes Middle East peace. But it’s also, as it happens, a myth—a radical distortion of history.

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