JNS.org..
04 March '20..
Columbia University professor Rashid Khalidi is the latest contributor to the anti-Israel crusade that’s so prevalent in American academic circles these days. A dust-jacket blurb from Israeli-born “new historian” Avi Shlaim, whose displeasure with his homeland propelled him to England, enthusiastically praises Khalidi’s “brave, brilliant and magisterial” book: The Hundred Years’ War on Palestine: A History of Settler Colonialism and Resistance, 1917-2017. Noam Chomsky (who has characterized Israel as a “mercenary state”) lauds Khalidi for “a riveting and original work … [about] this deeply unequal conflict.”
Khalidi descends from a centuries-old line of distinguished Arab ancestors. His great-great-great uncle Yusuf Diya, an Ottoman Empire government official and mayor of Jerusalem, was a contemporary of Theodor Herzl. He knew, as Khalidi would learn, that “there was no way to reconcile Zionism’s claims on Palestine … with the rights and well-being of the country’s indigenous inhabitants.” The “essentially colonial nature” of the return of Jews to their biblical homeland is Khalidi’s focus—and his target. The “colonization of Palestine,” he writes, “was meant to yield a white European settler colony.” He is convinced that “academically worthless writing” to the contrary (but not his own) “is riddled with historical errors, misrepresentations, and sometimes outright bigotry.”
For Khalidi, Israel’s roots “are as a colonial settler project … that would not have succeeded but for the support of the great imperial powers.” He is oblivious to the existence of Jewish nationhood in the Land of Israel as far back as King David’s reign two millennia before the emergence of “Palestinians.” He makes no mention of Palestine’s genuine “indigenous inhabitants”—namely, Jews—thousands of years preceding the appearance of Islam (and, indeed, the first Khalidi).
Khalidi concedes that there were no signs of a Palestinian national identity before the Balfour Declaration (1917). Until then, Arabs in Palestine defined themselves as “Arabs,” not “Palestinians.” Only when they confronted “the promised national home for the Jewish people in Palestine and emergence of Zionist colonialism in their midst” did they become “Palestinians.” Khalidi evades what that reveals about “Palestinian” history before World War I. Because there was no such history.
The British Mandate for Palestine, which recognized the historic connection of the Jewish people to that land, did not mention “Palestinians.” That was surely attributable to their as yet non-existence as a recognized, or even self-recognized, people. Indeed, Khalidi notes that during the 1930s, British authorities treated Palestinians “as if they had no national existence.” British authorities were correct; at that time, they had none.
Even by the end of World War II and the birth of the State of Israel three years later, Khalidi recognizes that Palestinians had yet to develop “the apparatus of a modern state.” Their “disarray in regard to institution-building,” he admits, “was profound.” Given the “strongly patriarchal, hierarchical and fractious nature of their politics,” it’s clear why there was as yet no “Palestinian” people or state.
Khalidi is proud—in his American homeland—of the durability of his Palestinian identity. Born in 1948 in New York, where he lived until 1976, when he moved to Beirut for 15 years, he returned briefly to his native city before relocating to the University of Chicago and then back to New York, where he has taught at Columbia ever since, where he now is the Edward Said Professor. Said, proudly proclaiming his own spurious “Palestinian” identity, grew up in Cairo before his family resettled in New York.
(Continue to Full Column)
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