Yoram Ettinger..
Algemeiner..
16 February '20..
In the Arab Middle East, unlike Western democracies, historical memory is very long. Nothing is forgotten, and nothing is forgiven.
Therefore, Arabs are aware of the direct correlation between the scope of Palestinian freedom of action in Arab countries on the one hand, and the level of anti-Arab Palestinian terrorism on the other hand.
This harsh correlation was demonstrated in Egypt and Syria during the mid-1950s and mid-1960s, as well as in Jordan. The latter experienced the 1970 civil war as a result of the unprecedented self-rule provided to Yasser Arafat’s PLO in Jordan. It was manifested in Lebanon, which was plagued by a series of civil wars during the 1970s and early 1980s.
Also, in 1993/94, the establishment of a ground-breaking Palestinian Authority in Judea and Samaria triggered a massive Christian flight from Bethlehem, Beit Jallah, and Beit Sahour. Consequently, this Christian-dominated area was transformed into a tiny enclave of a 12% Christian minority.
Simultaneously, notwithstanding Palestinian verbal commitments to desist from incitement and violence, the Palestinian Authority (PA) embarked on an unprecedented wave of anti-Jewish hate education and terrorism.
The intra-Arab Palestinian terroristic track record was highlighted by Saddam Hussein’s invasion of Kuwait in August 1990, when the Palestinian community in Kuwait assisted in the plunder of their host country.
Until the invasion, Kuwait had absorbed over 400,000 Palestinians — a 20% minority — the second largest Palestinian migrant community in the Arab world. Kuwait was the most generous Arab host of Palestinian migrants, and provided them with a high level of social, economic, and political freedom, facilitating their rise to senior managerial, civil service, media, and professional positions, including the top administration of the Central Bank of Kuwait.
Kuwait’s Palestinian migrants were Arafat’s and Mahmoud Abbas’ relatives and loyalists, evolving into the wealthiest Palestinian migrant community. In fact, Mahmoud Abbas’ Fatah — the largest PLO organization — was established in Kuwait in 1959. The oil producing sheikdom levied a 5% excise tax on all Palestinian earnings, and transferred it to the stashed accounts of the two PLO leaders. It also extended annual aid to the PLO, in addition to an equal amount transferred by Palestinian workers in Kuwait to their relatives in Judea and Samaria.
Kuwait’s generosity intended to reduce the threat of Palestinian terrorism, and constrain the explosive potential of Palestinian migrants, who had been identified as a likely fifth column on behalf of Saddam Hussein. Like the rest of the Arab Gulf States, Kuwait was aware of the incitement by PLO leaders against all traditional pro-US Arab regimes.
In return for Kuwait’s hospitality and generosity, PLO leaders displayed deep sympathy towards Saddam Hussein. The PLO heralded the plunder of Kuwait, lobbying — along with Iraq and Libya — against an Arab League resolution that called for military action for the liberation of Kuwait.
(Continue to Full Column)
Yoram Ettinger is a former ambassador and head of Second Thought: A US-Israel Initiative.
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