Israel HaYom
12 August '11
http://www.israelhayom.com/site/newsletter_opinion.php?id=319
No, the summer protests in Tel Aviv, Jerusalem and other cities are not comparable to the "Arab Spring" – which turned into murderous clashes and epic power struggles in Cairo and Damascus. In contrast, the Israeli demonstrations have a light summer air to them, with top entertainers taking center stage. In Cairo, Ramy Essam, a musician who led protests, was badly beaten by opponents, and in Syria, no one is singing. In Israel, the protests celebrate the democratic process, and are not an attempt to create one.
But the Israeli demonstrations reflect real grievances -- particularly the huge gaps between the top and bottom of the economic pyramid. Although Israel’s leadership has acted wisely to avoid the devastating unemployment prevalent in Europe and the U.S., many students get exploitation wages and cannot find basic accommodation. In addition, the small market is dominated by politically connected monopolies and cartels that overcharge for basic goods and services.
The media immediately embraced the protest movement, which provided the low costs and trite messaging of the reality shows that dominate the airwaves. In addition, newspapers and journalists who have been at war against Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his government from the beginning, although not because of his economic policies, played up the anti-government signs and slogans among the demonstrators.
In parallel, some editorial writers thrilled at what they referred to as a “crisis atmosphere” and “panic,” gleefully predicting Bibi’s imminent downfall.
But there is no evidence of panic, and little likelihood of a revolution. While protest leaders can get large crowds to turn out for demonstrations and street festivals, they are having trouble turning the malaise into concrete and realistic policies. As is often the case, the protesters know what they are up against, but converting slogans like “the people want social justice” into viable public policy is far more difficult. Different constituencies have different and even opposing priorities, making this task more difficult.
As in all such activities, anywhere in the world, the impact of these demonstrations will be determined by their impact on the power distribution in the Israeli democratic system. Political power, like gravity, is ever-present and cannot be ignored for long.
Many of the energetic protest leaders interviewed on television and radio come across as vain publicity seekers, good at using Facebook and Twitter, but with no understanding of economics and public policy. This reduces their potential impact significantly.
In theory, social protests benefit the Left; in Israel the political reality is more complicated. This political vacuum is reinforced by the official opposition, led by Tzipi Livni and her Kadima party, which is weak and divided. For many decades, the Labor Left, in various forms, was the dominant power, and was responsible for socialist policies that choked economic development and empowered a privileged and often corrupt elite. During a brief return to power in the early 1990s, the Left led the messianic peace efforts, but the collapse of Oslo furthered damaged its image among many Israelis. Similarly, numerous civil society groups that claim to promote social justice, but have devoted much of their resources to promoting failed peace plans, are largely ineffective, and some have even hidden their involvement in the demonstrations to avoid the popular backlash.
As a result, with the Left splintered into numerous small factions, they have not provided the coherent and realistic alternative policy needed to turn the protests into a political comeback. The remnant of the Labor Party has a few potential leaders with serious social policies and track records, but remains weakened by past failures. Labor is also weakened by its association with the Histadrut, the national labor union, whose leaders use the language of social justice while protecting the worst monopolies – particularly the electric company and the dock workers – that have added to the income gap and high cost of living.
In the absence of credible alternatives, the Netanyahu government is not seriously threatened by these demonstrations and the summer of social protests. But this is a serious wake-up call, and unless the low wages, student housing, monopolies and inflated costs are addressed in a serious and sustained manner, Israel’s vibrant democracy will eventually force a change.
Beyond party and politics, the Jewish emphasis on social justice, embodied in the biblical injunction to care for the needy, and insistently demanded by the prophets, remains central to Israel’s moral foundation.
Professor Gerald Steinberg teaches politics and public policy at Bar Ilan University and heads NGO Monitor.
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